Wodak, R. “The Politics of Exclusion: The Haiderisation of Europe”. Humanities, Social Sciences and Law. 2010, 5,
In many European countries, the extreme right have refined their electoral programs under the rubric of nationalist-populist slogans and have adopted more subtle (i. e. coded) forms of racism. The move away from overt neo-fascist discourse has in fact allowed these parties to expand their electoral support as populist nationalist parties (Rydgren 2005; Delanty/O'Mahony 2002; Wodak/Pelinka 2002; Pelinka/Wodak 2002). In several European countries, such parties form part of the government (or have formed part), like in Austria, Denmark or Italy; in other countries, such parties have recently succeeded (in the elections to the European Parliament, June 2009) to collect more votes (like in the United Kingdom or Hungary). The new coded rhetoric has paradoxically led to an increase in racist and anti-Semitic discourse, not to its decline, since racism now often takes more pervasive, diffuse forms, even to the point of being expressed as the denial of racism (Van Dijk 1989). There is considerable evidence of a normalization of “othering” (racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism) in political discourse, and there is much to indicate that this is also occurring at all levels of society, ranging from the media, political parties, and institutions to everyday life.
Wodak, R. “Populist discourses : The rhetoric of exclusion in written genres.” Journal of Research and Problem Solving, 4 (2010). pp. 133-148
Populist rhetoric is not restricted to rightwing or leftwing political parties. Populist rhetoric is characterized through multiple linguistic strategies which allow the persuasive inclusion of many, also contradictory electorates, and the exclusion of "others". This paper examines written genres from the media and coalition agreements in Austria, since the so-called "Wende" in the year 2000 when a new coalition gevernment was decided upon between the People’s Party and the rightwing populist party, the Freedom Party. Through the detailed linguistic analysis of texts, some (linguistic) explanations for the success of rightwing populist parties in the European Union member states will be offered.
Javed Majeed. (2007) Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity: Gandhi, Nehru and Iqbal. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.
Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity is exemplary both in its placing of autobiographical texts within a historical and literary context, and in its ability to make connections between that context and larger issues of concern in postcolonial, travel, and auto/biography studies. Javed Majeed's new book is an important intervention in contemporary auto/ biography studies. It is centrally concerned with the autobiographical writings of three figures, all published before the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947. Mohandas K. Gandhi's and Jawaharlal Nehru's autobiographies are well known internationally, but Majeed supplements them with less well-known autobiographical writings by the same authors: Gandhi's Satyagraha in South Africa and, stretching generic conventions somewhat, Nehru's voluminous The Discovery of India. In addition, the author compares these texts to the Persian poem Jävïd Näma by Muhammad Iqbal, the leader of the All India Muslim League who was one of the earliest proponents of a separate state for Muslims in South Asia. All three authors, Majeed argues, use autobiography as a means of production of "projects of selfhood" that are intimately bound up with the politics of nationalism (3). In contrast to many autobiographies produced in the subcontinent at this time, however, Gandhi's, Nehru's, and Iqbal's texts enact a "postnational" politics, frequently resisting homogenizing or fixed notions of nationhood.
Such criticisms, however, do not detract from the very considerable merits of the book. Majeed's textual readings are always carefully argued, and frequently genuinely insightful. Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity is exemplary both in its placing of autobiographical texts within a historical and literary context, and in its ability to make connections between that context and larger issues of concern in postcolonial, travel, and auto/biography studies.
Enloe.. “Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of international Politics.”Women & Politics. 12, (1992) p. 75
Enloe explores women's roles in tourism industries, from early female travelers to modem hotel chambermaids and sex tourism workers. The author not only makes connections between women's roles in transnational enterprises as consumers and as producers, for example, of clothing, but also exposes the complexities introduced by women's class and family situations, and notes in passing the futility of attempting to be politically correct consumers within the given international political system. With regard to the military -- a subject on which she has written extensively -- Enloe traces the web of women's interactions with military bases, as soldiers, wives, workers, and`locals' who provide a wide range of services. She presents considerable new material on diplomatic wives, their isolation, and their difficulty in forming organizations to address their concerns. Domestic workers are another isolated group, but Enloe makes it clear that often their decision to leave their native land to work abroad is a part of international politics, not merely personal choice. Finally, a gendered history of the banana -- Carmen Miranda is pictured on the book's cover -- traces women's involvement in the international production, marketing, and consumption of this now popular fruit.
In arguing that international processes depend on particular configurations of masculinity and femininity, Enloe has produced an important work. However, this book is so wide ranging that it often forgoes providing a complex analysis of its topics; Enloe makes sweeping and often simplistic generalizations, such as "international tourism needs patriarchy to survive (p.41)." Yet Enloe depicts a tourism industry that responds to changing cultural and social norms; for example, the tourist industry incorporates the idea, launched by women, of the white female adventurer. Enloe wants to demonstrate the importance of gender in tourism; however, this reader was more struck by the way her book illustrates tourism's dependency on racism for its survival. In addition, many of Enloe's linkages, especially between female sexuality and the control of predominantly male populations, while intuitively comprehensible, are poorly supported by evidence. The presence of high levels of prostitution around US military bases, for example in the Philippines, seems at least equally tied to issues of international economics as it is to providing security for military bases. Why, I wonder, is there a collapse (in the host country) of previously defining notions about male / female domestic and sexual relations? Why are the patriarchal values that keep women at home or considering the needs of their compañeros in Afghanistan and Mexico suddenly demolished in the Philippines? Attention to the pressure that international economics places on the gendering of domestic relations in countries that maintain US military bases would have nuanced Enloe's argument.